<<
>>

Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk (1851-1914)

The radical subjectivists among the Austrian economists do not consider Bohm-Bawerk as belonging to the same stable. They instead see in him essentially a Ricardian, con­cerned with Ricardian problems and using Ricardian tools.

Bohm-Bawerk saw himself firmly entrenched in the tradition established by Menger, and despite differences of opinion with his peer in important respects, such as the problem of capital and interest, he was keen to advance the latter’s approach. His most important work was Kapital und Kapitalzins, which is in two volumes. The first (1884) provided a critical summary account of all theories of interest and profits from first pronouncements on economic matters up until Bohm-Bawerk’s time, including, for example, criticisms of Marx and the socialists, John Bates Clark’s marginal productivity theory and also Menger’s expla­nation of profits. Against the background of this broad-spanned canvas, in the second volume, Positive Theorie des Kapitales (1889), he then elaborated his own explanation. He defended his theory against critics in debates with Clark and Schumpeter. His criti­cism of Marx subsequent to the publication of volume III of Capital edited by Friedrich Engels, “On the close of the Marxian system” (1896, see English translation 1949), had a substantial impact on the debate about Marx’s theory of value and surplus value. In 1914 he published his influential essay on “Macht oder okonomisches Gesetz?” (“Power or economic law?”), in which he attempted to refute all theories that see income distribu­tion as reflecting economic power and defended the assumption of perfect competition as the appropriate workhorse of economics.

Here we focus attention on Bohm-Bawerk’s theory of profits. He adopted essentially the long-period framework of the classical economists revolving around positions of the economic system characterised by a uniform general rate of profits, or interest, as Bohm-Bawerk preferred to call it, uniform rates of remuneration for all primary factors of production, that is, the services of labour and land, and what the classical economists called “natural” or “normal” prices.

“A theorist”, Bohm-Bawerk stressed in accordance with Smith and Ricardo, “may venture to abstract from the accidental and temporary fluctuations of the market prices around their normal fixed level” (Bohm-Bawerk 1949: 87). This involved assuming that the composition of the capital stock of the economy is fully adjusted to the other data of the system, the preferences of consumers and the tech­nical alternatives available to cost-minimizing producers. He emphasised that capital is not a third original factor of production alongside with labour and land (or natural resources more generally), but is a derived factor consisting of stored up services of labour and nature. He agreed with Smith and Ricardo that interest (profit) is property income, pure and simple, and not a sort of “entrepreneurial wage” or a “risk premium”. He stressed: “What forces us to think about capital interest is its labour-less flowing from a sort of conceiving mother good” (“ Was am Kapitalzins uberhaupt zum Nachdenken her- ausfordert, ist sein arbeitsloses Hervorquellen aus einem gleichsam zeugenden Muttergut”).

Bohm-Bawerk rejected the then existing theories of interest, which he grouped under six headings: “colourless theories” (Smith and Ricardo); “productivity theories” (from Jean-Baptiste Say via Johanna Heinrich von Thunen to J.B. Clark); “utilisation theories” (from Friedrich Benedict Wilhelm von Hermann to Carl Menger); “absti­nence theories” (Nassau William Senior); “labour theories” (Jean-Baptiste Say); and “exploitation theories” (Karl Rodbertus and Karl Marx) (see Kurz 1994). The first five groups are said to be “favourable” to interest, whereas the last one is “inimical” to it. In Bohm-Bawerk’s view, Smith’s Wealth of Nations contains the germs of almost all later theories, especially those tracing interest back to the productivity enhancing power of capital, to exploitation and to abstinence. Bohm-Bawerk was particularly keen to ward off the socialist attack on capitalism and profits, which earned him Schumpeter’s label “the bourgeois Marx”.

Bohm-Bawerk elaborated a particular version of the scarcity theory of income distri­bution, advocated by the marginalists, focusing attention on the time element in produc­tion and consumption. As regards the latter he singled out Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832), John Rae (1796-1872) and William Stanley Jevons (1835-1882) as precursors. His expla­nation revolved around the famous “three grounds”:

1. The higher estimation of present needs and wants compared with future ones, that is, a positive rate of time preference.

2. The superiority of more roundabout processes of production, that is, the higher labour productivity of more capital-intensive processes of production.

3. The difference of provision of goods in the present and future.

Here we focus attention on the first two grounds. According to Bohm-Bawerk, inter­est is an intertemporal price, an “agio” on present goods relative to future goods. Only production by labour (and nature) that is unassisted by any human-made means of production Bohm-Bawerk considered to be “noncapitalist”, whereas according to him the defining feature of capitalism is the use of capital goods or intermediate products. Bohm-Bawerk’s definition of capitalism was meant to be innocuous and devoid of any ideological contamination. However, by construction he deliberately reduced the set of non-capitalist economies to the empty set. The production of each commodity he con­ceived of as a one-way avenue of finite length leading from the expenditure of certain amounts of labour (and the services of nature) across time to the maturing of the final product.

The central concept of his theory of interest is the “average period of production” designed to provide a measure of the “capitalistic” character of production of single goods, but also of an economy’s output as a whole. It is the weighted average of the periods of time over which the amounts of labour remain invested until one unit of the (single or composite) commodity is obtained, with the respective amounts of labour serving as weights.

By means of this device, Bohm-Bawerk thought it possible to replace in each line of production (and in the economy as a whole) a vector of physically het­erogeneous capital goods with a scalar that is independent of income distribution and prices. “Capital” was thus taken to be reducible to a single dimension: time. Lengthening the production process requires a greater “subsistence fund” used to employ workers on more roundabout processes of production. It increases labour productivity, but because of diminishing returns with regard to more capital-intensive processes of production it is accompanied by a lowering of the rate of return on capital. Whether a lengthening will be effectuated depends on how the rate of return and the (average) rate of time preference compare. If the former is larger than the latter, there is an incentive to save (and invest) and thus accumulate capital, that is, increase the subsistence fund and embark on more roundabout processes, and vice versa in the opposite case.

Bohm-Bawerk was convinced that with his temporal theory of capital and interest he had spoken the “salvational word” on this hotly debated topic and had proved inter­est to be present in all societies that use produced means of production. Attempts at suppressing it were necessarily bound to fail. The “right to the full product of labour”, called for by the socialists, cannot be denied, Bohm-Bawerk conceded, but what does it mean? “The crux of the matter”, he insisted, “is the time difference between the payment of wages and the completion of the product.” He added: “It is not the full merit of the labourers working today, of their industry and diligence alone, that many years later a certain larger product obtains; a part of the causation and merit belongs to a group of people having acted ahead of time and having provided for the formation and preserva­tion of the saved-up stocks of goods [capital]” (1884 [1921]: 410).

Bohm-Bawerk’s hope and expectation to have once and for all settled the issues at hand did not come true.

His construction was attacked both by Austrians and non­Austrians. Menger, disenchanted with Bohm-Bawerk’s criticism of his utilisation theory of interest, in private conversation is said to have told Schumpeter: “The time will come when people will realize that Bohm-Bawerk’s theory is one of the greatest errors ever committed in political economy.” His brother in law, Wieser, and the latter’s student Schumpeter argued that the higher estimation of present over future goods is not the cause, but the consequence of a positive rate of interest. Ladislaus von Bortkiewicz (1906) insisted that a systematic undervaluation of future goods implies irrational behaviour. He also criticised the concept of the average period of production, in whose construction Bohm-Bawerk had assumed simple interest, which is incompatible with competitive conditions. As Sraffa (1960) pointed out, once compound interest is taken into account the average period is not independent of the rate of interest. This points towards a vicious circle: the average period of production, designed to measure capital intensity independently of the rate of interest and relative prices in order to determine the rate of interest, cannot be defined independently of that rate. Irving Fisher within a partial equilibrium framework dealing with the problem of the choice of technique stressed that a lower (higher) interest rate does not necessarily correspond to the adop­tion of a more (less) capital-intensive process of production. Schumpeter (1913) objected that there is no presumption that technical progress will always bring about a lengthen­ing of the period of production. Finally, the concept of the average period is unable to cope with fixed capital and joint production. In the so-called Cambridge controversy in the theory of capital, the Austrian theory was scrutinised and shown to be untenable in general (see Garegnani 1960, Harcourt 1972, and Kurz and Salvadori 1995: ch. 14).

<< | >>
Source: Faccarello G., Kurz H.D.(eds.). Handbook on the History of Economic Analysis. Volume II: Schools of Thought in Economics. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar,2016. — 498 p. 2016

More on the topic Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk (1851-1914):

  1. Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk (1851-1914)
  2. EUGEN VON BOHM-BAWERK AND THE AUSTRIAN SCHOOL
  3. Contents
  4. Contents (alphabetical)
  5. The Main Contributors to the GHSE: From the Older Historical School to the Youngest Historical School
  6. The Role of the Austrian School of Economics in the Decline of the GHSE