The Main Contributors to the GHSE: From the Older Historical School to the Youngest Historical School
It is generally accepted that the origins of the GHSE can be traced back to a growing dissatisfaction with the narrow views and ideas of the dominant English school of economics.
This discontent with classical economics is what led Wilhelm Georg Friedrich Roscher (1817—1894) to publish Outline for Lectures of Political Economy in 1843. It outlined the main principles and methods of the historical school and became the most influential textbook of political economy1 in Germany throughout the second half of the 19th century. In fact, this book was ‘used for a long period of time very widely in the German schools’ (Mitchell 1949, 185).From 1848 to 1888, Roscher was a professor of Practical State Sciences and Cameralistics at Leipzig University, where he taught economic theory, economic policy, public finance, statistics, and cameralism. He dedicated his life to finding a historical basis for economics, which would emphasize the need for the inclusion of the historical spirit in economic research and investigation. In doing so, he became recognized as the first economist to use the term ‘historical method’ in political economy (Block 1879, 706). Additionally, he was accepted as ‘the first macroeconomist,’ even though
An Overview of the Fundamental Features of the GHSE 49 the term macroeconomics did not exist in the 19th century (Streissler 2001, 324-325). In:
the first quarter-century of the life history of the historical school it was Roscher’s conception of the scope and method of economics that found the widest acceptance and that best expressed the animus of that body of students who professed to cultivate economics by the historical method.
(Veblen 1901, 74)
It was also claimed that the influence and work of Roscher were primary contributing factors to ‘a veritable revolution’ that had ‘taken place in economic studies’ in Germany (Cunningham 1894, 317).
In fact, Roscher was considered to be ‘the most influential of German economists, a man of very wide learning and with very considerable inf luence upon practical affairs and with a very large following among students’ (Mitchell 1949, 185). For example, The New York Times wrote that Roscher possessed ‘such a copious knowledge of the history of all nations, ancient and modern, as no other man of his specialty has brought to light (New York Times, 1894, p. 4)’ (Senn 1995, 66). That same article stated that he lived to ‘be known all over Europe as the father of that school, and to see his methods adopted in universities of every civilized land... Scores of Americans have heard his lectures, and many American professors have been among pupils’ (ibid.). Joseph A. Schumpeter (1883-1950) (2006, 483) highly praised the merits of Roscher’s achievements, stating that his work:never fell below a highly respectable level: honest scholarship and sound common sense is written all over them, and the sympathetic understanding that his gentle and highly cultivated mind extended to all types of scientific effort helped to make them perhaps more useful to many generations of students than would have been more original productions. On the whole, however, there is hardly another economist of that period who enjoyed so nearly universal respect inside and outside of Germany.
The value of Roscher’s contributions to the development of political economy is beyond doubt, particularly in light of the fact that his ideas, views, and methods spread beyond the borders of Germany, having been adopted in the universities of many other countries (Small 2001, 6). In addition to Roscher, Bruno Hildebrand (1812-1878) and Karl Knies (1821-1898) are also known as founding fathers of the GHSE. They ended up becoming ‘three of the most inf luential professors in Germany in the middle of the nineteenth century’ (Mitchell 1949, 186). All three not only rejected ‘the claim of universal validity and applicability of classical economics, but insisted that it was grossly inadequate to deal with industrialization and its social consequences, not to speak of its irrelevance, for Germany’ (Balabkins 1988, 25).
Roscher, Hildebrand, and Knies provided arguments against key elements and principles of classical economics, including the abstract-deductive approach, individualism, laissez-faire, and universalism. Additionally, they played crucial roles in familiarizing ‘the public’ with the historical approach in political economy (Seligman 1917, 161).Roscher, Hildebrand, and Knies were considered to be among the main contributors to the Older Historical School (OHS), which emerged in the beginning of the 1840s, along with Carl Dietzel (1829-1884), Erwin Nasse (1829-1890), Lorenz von Stein (1815-1890), and Georg Hanssen (1809-1894). Members of the OHS were highly critical of ‘the faulty abstract-deductive methods which they found predominant, and, while they formulated a method of their own’ (Haney 1915, 410). Their ideas, concepts, methods, and teachings quickly spread through universities across Germany. Moreover, many national and international political economists were drawn to Germany so that they could study under the founding fathers of the GHSE, who ‘proposed new and almost radical departures in economic thought’ (Balabkins 1988, 87). This was not an unexpected development, as they were regarded as ‘the great innovators of the day in their profession,’ who were ‘doing empirical work of considerable merit, even from the contemporary perspective’ (ibid.). In particular, Hildebrand, who founded Jahrbucherfur Nationalokonomie und Statistik (Journal of National Economics and Statistics) in 1863, was accepted as ‘a thinker of a really high order; it may be doubted whether amongst German economists there has been any endowed with a more profound and searching intellect’ (Ingram 1888, 124). His work was focused on saving economics from ‘false friends,’ including ‘Friedrich List, Marxist socialists, and classical economics’ (Balabkins 1988, 27). Meanwhile, his book Die Nation- alokonomie der Gegenwart und Zukunft (1848) was highly valued for providing ‘a masterly criticism of the economic systems which preceded, or belonged to, his time, including those of Smith, Muller, List, and the socialists’ (Ingram 1888, 124).
Hildebrand formulated some particularly vigorous criticisms of classical economics, which included accusations that classical economists generated destructive outcomes for society by promoting egoism, individualism, and materialism (Block 1879, 708).Knies was recognized for his analyses and critiques of prominent classical economists, mainly Adam Smith and David Ricardo (Ingram 1888, 124). He was also well known for his opposition to socialism, as he was confident that the GHSE would eventually defeat all socialist theories. Knies was specialized in the fields of statistics, money, and credit, and taught political economy to many German and international students at Heidelberg University. In fact, he played a major role in making Heidelberg into ‘a center of study and research in which the most diverse types were welcomed and made to work together’ (Schumpeter 2006, 777). During his time at Heidelberg University, many prominent figures studied under Knies, including Eugen von Bohm- Bawerk (1851-1914), Friedrich von Wieser (1851-1926), John Bates Clark (1847-1938), Edwin Seligman (1861-1939), and Richard T. Ely (1854-1943). Moreover, his work on subjective utility played an important role in the
An Overview of the Fundamental Features of the GHSE 51 eventual emergence of the Marginalist Revolution that is often associated with the works of Leon Walras (1834-1910), Carl Menger (1840-1921), and William Stanley Jevons (1835-1882) (Papadopoulos and Bateman 2011). Even though the concept of marginal utility was accepted as a decisive innovation of neoclassical economics, Knies was using it decades before the emergence of the Marginalist Revolution (Streissler 2001, 322).
The historical method developed by Hildebrand, Knies, and Roscher ‘exhibited its essential features more fully in the hands of the younger generation of scientific economists in Germany’ (Ingram 1888, 126). Accordingly, the Younger Historical School (YHS) emerged in the 1870s under the leadership of Gustav von Schmoller (1838-1917), who was sometimes referred to as ‘the leader of the extreme left of the Historical School’ (Seager 1893, 237).
While the OHS focused on problems pertaining to the historical method and economic development, the YHS concentrated on the social and economic problems of their time, the study of economic institutions, the application of the historical method to practical research, and the integration of ethics into social and economic policies. However, through his work on population and the division of labor, Schmoller stood out as ‘the master historian and statistician’ (Seager 1893, 250). This is not particularly surprising given his educational background, which included attending Tubingen University, where he studied ‘Staatswissenschaften, a combination of public finance, statistics, economics, administrative science, history and sociology’ (Balabkins 1988, 13, Richter 1996, 568). He also studied chemistry, physics, and mechanical engineering during his time at Tubingen. Subsequently, he began to work in the Wurttemberg Statistical-Topographical Office as a part of his training for the civil service (Richter 1996, 568). Consequently, he recognized the importance of statistics in political economy. In 1864, Schmoller began to work as a professor of Staatswissenschaften at the University of Halle (1864-1872) before subsequently joining the faculties at Strasbourg University (1872-1882) and Berlin University (1882-1913). In Germany, many of his students went on to attain prominent positions, including government ministers, public officials, directors of banks, and editors ofjournals.In 1881, Schmoller became the editor of Jahrbuch fur Gesetzgebung, Ver- waltung und Volkswirthschaft im Deutschen Reich, renamed Schmollers Jahrbuch in 1913, which was ‘the leading German journal for politics and economics’ (Tribe 2002, 9). Then, in 1883, he became a member of the Prussian Staatsrat (Council of State), where he devoted much of his work to Prussian administrative and economic history, and had ‘an unprecedented inf luence over economic and social policy making through a system of professional and advisory organisations he helped establish’ (Backhaus 2007, 13).
He was ‘the most conspicuous economist of the chief university in the capital of Germany, and much of the time the closest adviser of the government’ (Mitchell 1949, 195). In fact, ‘nobody occupied so important a situation in German society as Schmoller did’ (ibid.). He was not only accepted as a social reformer and ‘a great scholar very widely read and a person of strong understanding, but alsoa person who was in close and vigorous touch with what were in his day the guiding forces in German life’ (ibid.). It could even be said that Schmoller’s ‘life and work closely reflected the history of the Empire’ (Grimmer-Solem 2010A, 10).
In addition to being an historian, a political economist, and a statistician, Schmoller was also a great philosopher who played a main role in developing ethical economics (Seager 1893, 250). During his lifetime, Schmoller was globally renowned as one of the most respected and important economists in the history of economic thought (ibid.: 237). It was also claimed that ‘the spirit and purpose of the German historical economists’ was expressed in ‘Grundriss der Allgemeinen Volkswirtschaftslehre (part 1, 1900; part 2, 1904)’ (Ashley 1908, 9). This two-volume book was widely considered to be ‘one of the great books on economics at the end of the 19th century which sums up in a most effective fashion an enormous amount of detailed work and has a very considerable substantive value’ (Mitchell 1949, 200). In it, Schmoller focused intensively on developing ‘economic science through historical, descriptive, and factual material in order to relate it fully to the other social sciences,’ which he also discussed in some of his other publications (Neff 1950, 360). Over the course of his career, Schmoller also wrote about a variety of other issues such as social justice, the history of Prussian economics, the historical development of enterprises, the nature of property, the reasons behind economic development, the evolution of social and economic institutions, the relationship between economics and ethics, the economics of families, the social and economic divisions of labor, social classes, the distribution of wealth, the formation of social classes, international trade, competition, labor laws, wages, and the national economy.
It has also been argued that Schmoller was the original creator of the modern welfare state. He played a major role in the establishment of some of ‘the most advanced welfare legislation’ in the world during the rule of Otto von Bismarck (1815—1898), who was Germany’s first chancellor between 1871 and 1890 (Backhaus 1988, 5, Balabkins 1988, 50). He was also credited with being ‘the father’ of ‘Institutionalism’ in the US (Schumpeter 2018, 275). This is because ‘Schmoller made a lasting impression on many of’ the American students who flocked to ‘German universities by the thousands’ (Balabkins 1988, 50). After they returned home, these former students of Schmoller played a major role in developing economic thought and reforming the ways in which political economy was taught and studied at American universities.
Lujo Brentano (1844—1931) was also among the main contributors to the YHS. He studied law and economics at the University of Gottingen before entering the Prussian Office of Statistics in Berlin. Ultimately, he ended up working at universities in ‘Berlin, Breslau, Strasbourg, Vienna,’ and Munich, before succeeding Roscher at Leipzig University, when the latter resigned his post in 1888 (Grimmer-Solem 2010B, 10). Similar to other theorists of the GHSE, Brentano also warned ‘German businessmen, journalists, and academics that laissez-faire was not a cure-all for the social
An Overview of the Fundamental Features of the GHSE 53 ills of rapid industrialization and that welfare legislation might be in order soon’ (Balabkins 1988, 30). That said, his work generally focused on the roles of trade unions and various social programs in the achievement of common welfare.
Adolf Gotthilf Wagner (1835—1917), who studied jurisprudence and political science at the universities of Gottingen and Heidelberg, was also known as a leading member of the YHS. He was ‘the editor and, to a large extent, the writer, of a Handbook on Political Economy,’ and reputed to be one of the original founders of public finance (Seager 1893, 238). According to Wagner, the achievement of the common good had to be the starting point in political economy. That said, he did not believe that the common good could be adequately satisfied via the free market system, which led him to oppose economic liberalism and support positive state action. Wagner advocated for protective trade measures, public ownership, and the state provision of social and economic programs and services. Even though he defended public ownership, he also supported private property ownership, so long as it served ‘the best interests of society’ (Seager 1893, 244).
Johannes E. Conrad (1839—1915) was another important member of the YHS, who first taught at the University ofJena, before later joining the University of Halle, where he succeeded Schmoller. Despite receiving an offer of employment from the University of Gottingen, he elected to stay on at the University of Halle, where he remained until his death. He was one of the co-organizers of Verein fur Sozialpolitik and director of Jahrbucher fur Nation- alokonomie und Statistik, a scientific journal published in Germany since 1863. Another prominent member of the YHS was Adolf Held (1844—1880), whose research focused on taxation. In fact, his work on an ‘advanced program of social security’ played a major role ‘in Bismarck’s legislation of sickness, accident, invalidity, and old age insurance’ (Dorfman 1955, 21). This is not particularly surprising, given that members of the YHS featured prominently in the formation of Bismarck’s social and economic policies.
The YHS also included Karl Friedrich Hermann Rosier (1834-1894), Conrad Gustav Cohn (1840-1919), Karl Theodor von Inama-Sternegg (1843-1908), Albert Schaffle (1831-1903), Hans von Scheel (1839-1901), and Gustav Schonberg (1839-1908) (Ingram 1888, 127). Subsequently, the generation that followed the YHS was labeled the Youngest Historical School, which included Werner Sombart (1863-1941), Arthur Spie- thoff (1873-1957), Max Weber (1864-1920), Georg Hanssen (1809-1894), Wilhelm Lexis (1837-1914), Karl Bucher (1847-1930), and Georg Friedrich Knapp (1842-1926). There were some notable differences between the ideas held by the older, younger, and youngest generations of the GHSE, with some being more conservative in their policies and reforms, whereas others were more liberal. However, their diverging views and policies are not discussed in this book, as it primarily focuses on identifying and explaining their converging views and ideas on the methods, approaches, principles, and goals of political economy.