NOTES

¹' A survey is presented by Maddison (1995).

²' Especially relative luxuries such as meat and milk, see Komlos (1996).

³' The classic studies are Beveridge (1939), Hamilton (1934), Pribram (1938), Posthumus (1943/1964), and Elsas

(1936/1940) and the related studies of Hoszowski (1954) for Poland and of Verlinden et al.

4.

5.

6.

7.

See the collection of papers published in 1981.

An overview is presented in van Zanden (1999).

See also the contribution on prices and real wages in sixteenth-century London in Rappaport (1989).

Before 1596 no good data on bread prices were available, unfortunately, but it may be assumed that both prices moved in a more or less identical way before that date, see van Schaik (1999).

⁸' For more details, see Appendix.

’■ See Lindert (1998) for a similar discussion of the development of British relative prices between 1740 and 1910.

¹⁰' The year 1656 was selected to link the two indices because the experiment in comparing the two indices on the basis of 1450/74=100, showed that they had an identical level in that year.

¹¹' My index is the unweighted average of the data for hodmen and for helpers of masons; see de Vries and van der Woude (1997: 610-11).

¹²' The inclusion of other groups of labourers would perhaps lead to a stronger increase in nominal incomes, because the incomes of salaried personnel grew more rapidly than nominal wages in construction and their share of the labour force must have gone up too, but there are no accurate data to estimate these changes; see Soltow and van Zanden (1998: 43-4).

¹³' See Sen (2000) for the link between freedom and economic welfare.

¹⁴' See Persson (1999: 106-13) for evidence on the decline in price fluctuations during the early modern period. ¹⁵' See Onisto, Maat, and Bult (1998: 15-16) for a summary of these findings.

⁶ The long-term trend during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has been analysed by de Meere (1982).

^17. More precisely, they showed that the number of (industrial) durable consumer goods probably went up, which does not necessarily mean that per capita real expenditure grew at the same rate, see de Vries (1994/).

¹⁸' For women this increase was from about twenty during the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, to about twenty-five during the 1590s, see van Zanden (1993: 27-8).

”■ See Noordegraaf and Valk (1988) for their chronology.

²⁰' This increase reached levels of perhaps 25% on a per capita basis between 1500 and 1800, see Noordegraaf (1985) and Scholliers (1983).

²¹ 65-70% in 1510/14 versus c. 40-45% between 1807/24, respectively, see van Zanden (2002).