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The General Theory and concrete historical facts: secular stagnation1

Our survey of Keynes's ideas about the concrete historical and institu­tional reasons as to why Britain was "stuck in a rut" in the 1920s and why the USA, the UK, and much of the world were mired in depression in the 1930s is a useful example of his methodology as it was interpreted in the previous chapter.

Here, I simply list some of the long-term institutional or structural problems that Keynes believed caused Britain and/or the USA to suffer from high unemployment through some or all of the interwar years: a secularly low rate of profit on capital in the UK and by the late 1920s in the USA exacerbated by massive excess capacity in the USA in the 1930s; the development of unstable "casino" financial markets in the USA that accelerated the real-sector and financial-market booms of the late 1920s and created the preconditions for the great crash to follow; the buildup of excessive leverage in financial institutions and in many sectors of the real economy in the USA and elsewhere that created extreme financial fragility in a "regime of money contract" by the end of the 1920s; the destructive impact of severe deflation on over-leveraged financial institutions in the USA and elsewhere in the 1930s, which occurred because most of their loans were based on collateral whose value was being destroyed by the rapidly falling prices that in classical theory were assumed to restore full employment; large unpayable inter-nation loans in the aftermath of WWI and a large domestic debt in the UK as a result of the war; the excessive globalization of capital markets, which created a dangerous degree of sys­temic risk as serious financial problems in important national financial markets were transmitted around the globe; destructive competition in Britain's traditional export industries (such as textiles and coal) that were dominated by small firms, in large industries with substantial economies of scale, and in all industries with chronically large excess capacity in this era; Britain's "first-mover" disadvantage - the existence of industrial structures and forms of business organization that grew up in the nine­teenth century reduced incentives in Britain to build newer, more efficient,

High-unemployment long-run equilibrium 173 and larger-scale enterprises as was being done in the USA and Germany; the collapse of Britain's traditional export markets after WWI, in part because rising competitors such as the USA and Germany were now much more efficient in the production of tradable commodities - the decline in the size of Britain's traditional trade surplus in cotton textiles, coal, and shipbuilding are examples; destructive competition among nations to cut imports and expand imports in the 1930s - "beggar-thy-neighbor" trade policies; Britain's chronic export of financial capital to the world, which contributed to high domestic interest rates and helped finance modern­ization in competitor economies; the absence of job-creating, system­transforming innovation in the era2; the inability of unemployed workers and capital to move rapidly from deeply depressed regions to regions of higher growth because the economy was stagnant; the decision in Britain to return to gold at the prewar par that created a constant upward pressure on interest rates both before and after the return; a dramatic decline in the rate of Britain's population growth; the slowdown in the incorpor­ation of new areas of the world to exploit; a high propensity to save in the advanced countries due to a high level of inequality; and so on.

Keynes's macro theory provides the broad abstract concepts - mec, mpc, and interest rate - used to organize all of these "facts" and the logic of causality between them and income and employment.

Though these "facts" were crucial for explaining the present - the interwar years - and for making informed projections about the future, they were not adequately incorporated into classical theory, just as today's concrete facts are not adequately incorporated into neoclassical theory or "Modern Keynesian" theory.

Keynes did not expect these constraints on output and employment in the interwar years to disappear in the foreseeable future. He believed that long-term expectations of both the profit rate on capital investment and future security prices would remain both pessimistic and deeply rooted in the 1930s, a situation that did not end until the buildup to the prosecu­tion of WWII. Confidently held expectations of endless depression them­selves became a powerful "psychological" impediment to the restoration of prosperity precisely because they were based on strong institutional and empirical foundations.

Recall that Keynes repeatedly said of the nineteenth century that "pros­perity is cumulative" - that decades of high growth generated a firm belief that prosperity was permanent. This belief helped minimize the decline in investment spending even in cyclical downturns. But a long, deep depres­sion is also "cumulative" because it creates a strongly held expectation that the depression will continue for the foreseeable future. Deeply pes­simistic expectations can become self-fulfilling.

Keynes concluded from his concrete study of the period that the serious impediments to full employment in the interwar era were so strong and deeply rooted that it would require a socialist transformation of the UK and, hopefully, the rest of the "West" to restore long-term prosperity. As I will demonstrate in Chapter 20, Keynes repeatedly said in The General Theory that only what he elsewhere called "Liberal Socialism" could defeat secular stagnation, eliminate "insane" financial markets, and restore long­term prosperity.

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Source: Crotty J.R.. Keynes Against Capitalism: His Economic Case for Liberal Socialism. London: Routledge,2018. — 410 p. 2018

More on the topic The General Theory and concrete historical facts: secular stagnation1:

  1. The General Theory and concrete historical facts: secular stagnation1
  2. Crotty J.R.. Keynes Against Capitalism: His Economic Case for Liberal Socialism. London: Routledge,2018. — 410 p, 2018