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The Encounter with Feuerbach: Anthropology and Alienation

To posit the immediate universality of political life was the beginning of a response to Hegel, but it failed to address the larger philosophical claims of Hegel's system. Marx put the manuscript of his Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right aside, and it remained unpublished until David Ryazanov rediscovered it in the 1920s.

By the spring of 1844, Marx was attracted to the more ambi­tious anthropological critique of Hegel initiated by the philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach.

In 1841 Feuerbach published a classic work of philosophical humanism with the title The Essence of Christianity. Describing himself as ‘a natural philo­sopher in the domain of mind’,[238] [239] [240] [241] [242] [243] Feuerbach explained that God is merely the externalised projection of man’s own inner consciousness of the infin­ite. The idea of God is a response to the reality of human limitation, which results in man, the subject, projecting upon God (the predicate and thought object), the noblest elements of his own nature. Man is the ‘mystery of reli­gion’, who ‘projects his being into objectivity, and then again makes himself an object to this projected image of himself thus converted into an object’.^4 Men create God and then humble themselves before their own fantasy. Religion was ‘the dream of the human mind’,155 and the commandments of God were the expression of man’s own need to fulfil his essential, yet frustrated, human potential.i56

Feuerbach decisively put man at the centre of the universe in place of the Hegelian Idea. In his Principles of the Philosophy of the Future (1843), he declared that the task of the modern era had become ‘the humanization of God’ and the ‘dissolution of theology into anthropology’.^7 Protestantism had replaced Catholic contemplation of God - that is, of God in Himself - with ‘religious anthropology’, or what God is ‘for man’.

But Hegel’s philosophy had the reactionary effect of restoring theology. Hegel cast man as playing an active role in his own history, but in reality man turned out to be God’s proxy. Thus Hegel ended with the state as objective Spirit, or ‘the march of God in the world’.i58 ‘The secret of Hegel’s dialectic’, Feuerbach declared, ‘lies ultimately in this alone, that it negates theology through philosophy in order then to negate philosophy through theology. the negation of the negation is again theology. At first everything is overthrown, but then everything is reinstated in its old place’.[244] [245] [246] [247]

When Marx turned in the 1844 Manuscripts from political philosophy to his first critique of economic life, the influence of Feuerbach was readily appar­ent. Feuerbach’s account of man’s self-objectification in the fantasy of God provided new insight for an anthropological critique of the relation between the worker and his product in the form of capital. Hegel had said that self­fulfilment begins through objectification and simultaneous appropriation: ‘In his property a person exists for the first time as reason'd60 Marx replied that the activity of production in bourgeois society was the living practice of human alienation. The propertyless worker objectified his labour, but the other - the capitalist - did the appropriating: ‘... if the product of labour is alienation, pro­duction itself must be active alienation - the alienation of activity and the activity of alienation’.161 The propertyless worker does not appropriate nature for himself. Instead, he creates capital as an alien object. Hegel’s account of alienation as self-determination was therefore a mockery of the worker’s dehu­manisation.

. the more the worker expends himself in work the more powerful becomes the world of objects which he creates in face of himself, the poorer he becomes in his inner life, and the less he belongs to himself.

It is just the same as in religion. The more of himself man attributes to God the less he has left in himself. The worker puts his life into the object, and his life then belongs no longer to himself but to the object. The greater his activity, therefore, the less he possesses. What is embodied in the product of his labor is no longer his own. The greater this product is, therefore, the more he is diminished. The alienation of the worker in his product means not only that his labor becomes an object, assumes an external existence, but that it exists independently, outside himself, and alien to him, and that it stands opposed to him as an autonomous power. The life which he has given to the object sets itself against him as an alien and hostile forced*’2

Hegel had said that community is founded upon property. Marx responded that labour’s creation of capital, as an alien object, necessarily means the estrangement of man from man. The master-slave relationship was therefore inherent in the process of capitalist production, with no prospect of mutual recognition:

... the relation of man to himself is first realized, objectified, through his relation to other men. If therefore he is related to the product of his labor, his objectified labor, as to an alien, hostile, powerful and independent object, he is related in such a way that another alien, hostile, powerful and independent man is the lord of this object. If he is related to his own activity as to unfree activity, then he is related to it as activity in the service, and under the domination, coercion and yoke, of another man.[248] [249] [250] [251] [252] [253]

In Hegel's account of the master and slave, consciousness risks biological life to establish its own superiority. But in the real activity of production, the worker is even less than the master's slave. He is effectively an animal, labour­ing not to develop his body and mind but merely to survive and satisfy the most elementary biological needs of ‘eating, drinking and procreating'.

The animal, Marx said, ‘is one with its life activity. It does not distinguish the activity from itself. It is its activity. But man makes his life activity itself an object of his will and consciousness'. In the state of dehumanisation, however, the opposite occurs. What is human - labour, which by nature is the con­scious process of self-creation - is reduced to animal-like toil; and what is animal - the preoccupation with mere biological functions - appears to be human.i64

Alienated from the object of his labour, from other human beings, from his essential human capacity for ‘free, conscious activity'/*’5 and from nature itself, which has been carved into private properties, the worker must negate his own negation. Hegel said: ‘A slave can have no duties; only a free man has them';i*6 ‘It is in the nature of the case that a slave has an absolute right to free himself...'.κ,7 ‘Communism', Marx concluded in the Manuscripts, ‘is the phase of negation of the negation and is, consequently, for the next stage of historical development, a real and necessary factor in the emancipation and rehabilitation of man'.i*8 Borrowing Kant's terminology, Marx wrote that communism must fulfil the ‘categorical imperative' to replace all relations ‘in which man is a humiliated, enslaved, abandoned, contemptible being'.[254] [255] [256] [257]

Communism as a fully developed naturalism is humanism and as a fUlly- developed humanism is naturalism. It is the definitive resolution of the antagonism between man and nature, and between man and man. It is the true solution of the conflict between existence and essence, between objectification and self-affirmation, between freedom and necessity, between individual and species. It is the solution of the riddle of history and knows itself to be this solution?70

The problem at this point was that Marx had no clear idea of exactly what com­munism must entail.

When Hegel looked for the beginning of community in his Philosophy of Right, he spoke of the family, with its subjective bond of love and shared property in the ‘family capital'. In The Essence of Christianity, Feuerbach likewise wrote of love, starting with love between the sexes, as ‘the reality of the species': ‘... in love, man declares himself unsatisfied in his individuality taken by itself, he postulates the existence of another as a need of the heart; he reck­ons another as part of his own being; he declares the life which he has through love to be the truly human life, corresponding to the idea of man, i.e., of the spe­cies'.™ As in his critique of Hegel's political philosophy, Marx decided that the natural immediacy of the man-woman relationship represented the paradigm of human community. In natural love, the bourgeois institution of marriage - ‘which is incontestably a form of exclusive private properly'm - is replaced by spontaneous bonds of mutual affection, the consummated oneness of man and nature:

The immediate, natural and necessary relation of human being to human being is. the relation of man to woman. In this natural species rela­tionship man's relation to nature is directly his relation to man, and his relation to man is directly his relation to nature, to his own natural func­tion. Thus, in this relation is sensuously revealed, reduced to an observable fact, the extent to which human nature has become nature for man and to which nature has become human nature for him. From this relation­ship man's whole level of development can be assessed. It also shows how far man's needs have become human needs, and consequently how far the other person, as a person, has become one of his needs, and to what extent he is in his individual existence at the same time a social being.[258]

The man-woman relation provided a model for mutual recognition in the bonds of shared consciousness, but what of the activity of production? How would the anthropological concept of universality relate to appropriation of the products of labour? At this point Marx provided no clear answer beyond the common socialist aim of collective control of the social means of production.

A truly satisfactory answer could only come much later, in the Grundrisse, his notebooks for Capital. He did, however, indicate what communism is not, and he did so in a way completely consistent with his concern - deriving from the entire tradition that we have been considering - to treat rational beings, including oneself, as self-determining ends, and thus to reconcile objective with subjective freedom.

In the Manuscripts he warned against replacing the abstract ideal of the Hegelian state with the even more repugnant one-sidedness of a ‘crude' and ‘unreflective' communism that would regard immediate physical possession as ‘the unique goal of life and existence'. Utopian communism, detached from the ideals of philosophy, would be the ultimate dystopia: it would ‘destroy everything which is incapable of being possessed by everyone as private prop­erty', eliminate differences of talent and achievement by force, and embrace ‘envy and levelling' as its constitutive principle. Crude communism would reduce everyone to a means in service of the community as universal capitalist. Marx summarised this way:

How little this abolition of private property represents a genuine appro­priation is shown by the abstract negation of the whole world of culture and civilization, and the regression to the unnatural simplicity of the poor and wantless [i.e. uncultured] individual who has not only not surpassed private property but has not yet even attained to it. The community is only a community of work and of equality of wages paid out by the com­munal capital, by the community as universal capitalist. The two sides of the relation are raised to a supposed universality; labor as a condition in which everyone is placed, and capital as the acknowledged universality and power of the community.

Unreflective communism was the illusion of the unenlightened. What Marx expected from communism was the opposite: universal enlightenment in eco­nomic circumstances that would make the ideals of philosophy real. The stand­point of Marx's humanism, as he remarked in his Theses on Feuerbach (1845), was ‘human society, or socialised humanity',[259] [260] [261] [262] [263] [264] not the mere socialisation of things. A community that regarded itself exclusively in economic terms would merely universalise the tyranny of things at the expense of Hegel's ideal of sub­jective and objective freedom.

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Source: Day R.B., Gaido D.F. (eds). Responses to Marx’s Capital. Leiden: Brill,2017. — 856 p. 2017

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