Extending the record
Before attempting to generalize, or even begin to formulate a research agenda on the possible causes of small stature in the pre-industrial era, it is essential to inspect additional evidence.
Figures 9.3—9.6 make clear that the time span available forstudy of pre-industrial heights from military records is rather short (or non-existent) in all countries.5 Skeletal data, in which stature is inferred from long bone (femur) lengths, provide information on the more distant past. Before examining the results, however, it is worth discussing the methodology of using skeletons to estimate heights.
Valid use of skeletons requires knowledge of sex and age at death.6 For all parts of the skeleton, the female elements typically have smaller size and lighter construction. These differences become pronounced in the skull and the pelvis beginning in late adolescence, but before these ages, sex cannot be accurately determined. The skeletal features of robust adult females may resemble those of small and light adult males, but using multivariate analysis, it is possible to estimate sex of adults with a high degree of accuracy in well-preserved remains.
Over a person's lifetime, the skeleton undergoes sequential chronological change. The changes are pronounced in dentition among children and in fusion of the epiphyses (or ‘growth plates') in various bones of children and in young adults. Among older adults, there are systematic changes in the shape of the pubic symphysis that are used as a guide to age. Above age 50, however, these techniques (and others) become increasingly unreliable, and for this reason, older adults are often grouped together for analytical purposes. In estimating the height of adults, it is the fusion of epiphyses in the long bones that is the key for estimating adult height. Once fusion has occurred, growth ceases and length does not change even with increasing age.
On average, approximately 26% per cent of an adult person's height is contained in the femur. Trotter and Gleser (1952) developed the most widely used formula for converting femur length into height.Excavated burials may not reflect the once-living population if burials were geographically dispersed, excavation was incomplete or quality of preservation of the bones was poor. Therefore, in this line of work it is useful to compare results from a particular site with those from sites where these problems are thought to be minimal.
Table 9.2 gives details from individual studies found in a search of the literature in physical anthropology from sources easily accessible in the United States. Although some results were available for other parts of Europe, only northern Europe had studies that span the entire period from the early Middle Ages to the present. My first effort leaves a gap for the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which additional search may fill.
Table 9.3 summarizes results by era for those studies that give evidence for time periods as small as two or three centuries. Studies reporting results for burials during ‘Medieval Era' or the ‘Middle Ages' are lumped together in the middle of the table. It is remarkable if not stunning that the average heights during the early and late Middle Ages exceeded those observed for the eve of industrialization by several centimetres. While one should always devote some attention to the issues of representativeness and sampling in skeletal data, the large number of studies covering several northern countries suggests that the results cannot be dismissed as a statistical fluke or aberration. It is conceivable that all of the estimated heights for
Table 9.2 Average heights in northern Europe estimated from adult male skeletons
| Era | Place | Average height (cm) | Sample size | Source |
| 9-11th cent. | Iceland | 172.3 | 22 | Steffensen (1958) |
| 9-17th cent. | Iceland | 172.2 | 71 | Steffensen (1958) |
| 10-11th cent. | Sweden | 176.0 | 8 | Gilberg (1976) |
| 11-12th cent. | Iceland | bgcolor=white>172.027 | Steffensen (1958) | |
| 11-17th cent. | Iceland | 171.0 | 16 | Steffensen (1958) |
| 12th cent. | Norway | 170.2 | 42 | Hanson (1992) |
| 12th cent. | Britain | 168.4 | 233 | Munter (1928) |
| 12-13th cent. | Norway | 172.2 | —* | Huber (1968) |
| 12-16th cent. | Iceland | 175.2 | 6 | Steffensen (1958) |
| 13th cent. | Denmark | 172.2 | 31 | Boldsen (1984) |
| 13th cent. | Sweden | 174.3 | 66 | Gejvall (1960) |
| 13-14th cent. | England | 171.8 | —* | Huber (1968) |
| Middle Ages | Sweden | 170.4 | 457 | Steffensen (1958) |
| Middle Ages | Denmark | 172.0 | 190 | Bennike (1985) |
| Middle Ages | Denmark | 172.6 | 43 | Bennike (1985) |
| Middle Ages | Norway | 172.1 | 314 | Holck & Kvaal (2000) |
| Middle Ages | Denmark | 175.2 | 27 | Holck (1997) |
| Middle Ages | Norway | 167.2 | 1,792 | Holck (1997) |
| Middle Ages | Sweden | 170.4 | 457 | Werdelin (1985) |
| 13-16th cent. | Holland | 172.5 | 87 | Maat et al. (1998) |
| 11-16th cent. | Holland | 176.2 | 23 | Janssen & Maat (1999) |
| 11-16th cent. | Sweden | 172.8a | 499 | Arcini (1999) |
| 17-18th cent. | Iceland | 169.7 | 17 | Steffensen (1958) |
| 17-18th cent. | Holland | 166.0 | 41 | Maat (1984) |
| 17-18th cent. | Holland | 166.7b | 102 | Maat (1984) |
| 18th cent. | Iceland | 167.0 | 4 | Steffensen (1958) |
| 18th cent. | Norway | 165.3 | 1,956 | Holck (1997) |
| 17-19th cent. | Iceland | 169.2 | 21 | Steffensen (1958) |
| 18-19th cent. | Britain | 170.3 | 211 | Molleson & Cox (1993) |
‘ Simple average across seven combinations of sites and dates.
b Sex of the 102 skeletons was unknown but based on written evidence, a sex ratio of 50—50 was assumed. Since men are on average 10 cm taller than women, the overall average height for the sample was adjusted upward by half this amount (5 cm) to estimate equivalent average height for men.
* Not available or missing information.
the Middle Ages were biased upward by some as yet undiscovered process of selection, but one would then wonder why that selection process ceased to be a factor in the centuries immediately prior to industrialization.
Generalizing about pre-industrial height trends will be difficult without more evidence from the fifteenth through the eighteenth centuries. It seems reasonable to suggest, at least tentatively, that net nutritional conditions of the past millennium reached a low point in Europe prior to the onset of industrialization. Between the Middle Ages and the twentieth century, heights were U-shaped with a minimum
Table 9.3 Summary of adult male height trends in northern Europe
| Era | Place | Simple average of average heights (cm) | Source |
| 9—11th cent. | N. Europe | 173.4 | Table 2, rows 1, 3, 4 |
| 12—14th cent. | N. Europe | 171.5 | Table 2, rows 6-8, 10-12 |
| Middle Ages | N. Europe | 171.4 | Table 2, rows 13-19 |
| 17—18th cent. | N. Europe | 167.5 | Table 2, rows 23-5 |
| 18th cent. | N. Europe | 166.2 | Table 2, rows 26-7 |
| 17—19th cent. | N. Europe | 169.8 | Table 2, rows 28-9 |
| Late 19th cent. | Sweden, The Netherlands, Britain | 169.7 | Sandberg and Steckel (1997: 129); Drukker and Tassenaar (1997: 341); Floud and Harris (1997: 102); |
| 1930 | Sweden, The Netherlands | 172.5 | Sandberg and Steckel (1997: 129); Drukker and Tassenaar (1997: 341) |
attained sometime between 1450 and 1750, when historical heights become widely available from military records.
The onset of the decline (and ultimately its causes) can be established only by a search for more evidence from published or unpublished sources.7Taking the evidence at face value indicates that average heights fell from an average of 173.4 cm in the early Middle Ages to a low of 165.8 cm during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This decline of 7.6 cm exceeds by a factor of two any fluctuations observed during industrialization. Recovery to levels achieved a millennium ago was not attained until the early twentieth century. Both the extraordinary level relative to recent times and the U-shaped time trend are remarkable phenomena worthy of considerable study.
Some people may claim that genetic factors are responsible for the tall statures observed during the Middle Ages, pointing to the fact that northern Europeans are taller, even today, than those from more southern European countries (Schmidt, Jorgensen, and Michaelsen 1995). But the southern Europeans of the modern period, who tend to be poorer, are catching up, and in any event, studies of children around the globe indicate that children who grow up under similarly good environmental conditions have about the same heights (Malcolm 1974; Martorell and Habicht 1986). If genetic factors were relevant, presumably they had little or no effect on the trend within areas surrounded by the North Sea and the Baltic. Thus, I seek environmental explanations for northern Europe's U-shaped trend in stature.
In suggesting candidates for further study, it is relevant to recall that average height measures a population's history of net nutrition—diet minus claims on the diet, made by work and by disease. Urbanization and growing population density, which occurred during industrialization, increased exposure to disease. Could the diet have been poorer and work more arduous in pre-industrial times, by enough to offset the benefits of lower population density? And if the diet was poorer and the work was more arduous, why was net nutrition so good before the sixteenth century?
The data at hand confront conventional wisdom about changes in living standards since the Middle Ages, and lead one to ask: Why did net nutrition decline sometime between the Middle Ages and the pre-industrial period? Why did heights generally improve during the nineteenth century, albeit with interruptions in some countries, when some factors adverse to heights (urbanization, inequality, and business cycles) were getting worse?
As I do not have convincing answers to these questions, I look forward to additional research.
It seems to me, however, that the millennium long U-shape of average stature in northern Europe might have been connected with seven major phenomena: climate change; growing inequality in real incomes after 1500; urbanization and growth of trade that spread diseases; wars of state building; religious conflicts; the global spread of new varieties of disease associated with European expansion and colonization; and population cycles. We are faced, then, not with a dearth of plausible explanations but rather measuring their impacts on health and weeding out influences among those that were unimportant.4.2