The Austrian School
The name “Austrian school” was coined by one of its severest critics, Gustav von Schmoller, who in the so-called Methodenstreit (battle over the method) had levelled a fierce attack at Carl Menger and his followers.
While Schmoller advocated a method in economics that was “historical-ethical”, empirical and inductive, the Austrians were said to apply a method that was ahistorical, abstract, purely theoretical and deductive.We may distinguish between several generations or layers of Austrian economists and economics. The first comprises Carl Menger, Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk and Friedrich von Wieser and, the second, Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich August von Hayek. Whether and to what extent other Austrian-born economists such as Joseph Alois Schumpeter, Hans Mayer, Oskar Morgenstern, Gottfried Haberler, Fritz Machlup and Paul Rosenstein-Rodan belong to the school is an issue of much debate. John Richard Hicks cherished the temporal aspect of the Austrian and especially Bohm-Bawerk’s approach, which distinguished it from the atemporal Walrasian approach, and sought to develop it in terms of his “neo-Austrian” theory (Hicks 1973). Today, Austrian-cum- libertarian doctrines are encountered especially in some universities and institutes in the United States, especially the George Mason University in Fairfax, Virginia, New York University, the Ludwig von Mises Institute and the Cato Institute. Misesians such as Israel Kirzner and Murray Rothbard developed a radically subjectivist point of view, while others, such as Peter Boettke, Roger W. Garrison, Ludwig M. Lachmann and Steven G. Horowitz followed more the tradition established by Hayek, which implied a much smaller break with mainstream economics. Austrians have founded their own journals, including the Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics.
Characteristic features
While Austrian economists differ in many respects, they share certain beliefs, methodological positions and views of the world.
These include the following. (1) They endorse methodological individualism, which requests the reconstruction of society starting from the needs and wants, motives and actions of single individuals. (2) Closely related to this, they endorse methodological subjectivism, tracing all economic phenomena back to the value assessments of individuals and their interaction. Many of them are opposed to macroeconomics, which argues in terms of aggregates rather than micro units. (3) The attention focuses on catallactics, which studies exchange and trade among individuals and how prices form. (4) Austrian economists emphasise the importance of time both in production and consumption and are highly critical of atemporal approaches, such as Walras’s. (5) An aspect of the emphasis on time is their insistence on uncertainty and the error-proneness of human action - as Menger famously put it in the title of a section of his 1871 book: “Time - error”. This leads to an analysis of the role of expectations and learning processes and an investigation of the problem of information. Without too much of an exaggeration one might say that Austrian economics is first and foremost about the generation and transmission of information and its reflection in market values.(6) The economy is considered a self-organising system that, in principle, can do without any state interference. The same applies to institutions; money is accordingly seen as an institution that emerges as a by-product of the evolution of exchange relationships.
(7) Austrian economists endorse marginal utility theory, which is why their theories are typically considered variants of marginalism or what was later called “neoclassicism”.
(8) Major Austrian economists emphasise that explanations of economic phenomena ought to be causal-genetic (a term Hans Mayer introduced), going back to the roots of the phenomena under consideration that deserve no further examination; they reject the concept of “equilibrium” and are critical of the use of mathematics in economics.
(9) Austrian economists typically mistrust governments and the state and are suspicious of the motives of its representatives: these are said to tend to present their own particular selfish interests as the interests of society at large. The baseline of Austrian economics is the advocacy of “free markets” against state interventionism and the conviction that if things go wrong in the economy it must be because of the harmful activity of the state or the central bank. (10) Politically, Austrian economists take more or less radical libertarian views, with Mises being the most radical of all. Hayek founded in 1947 together with Mises, Frank Knight, Karl Popper, George Stigler and Milton Friedman the Mont Pelerin Society, whose declared aims were to advocate a free market economics, a “liberal order” and a “free society”. Ideas of the Mont Pelerin Society fell on fertile ground with such politicians as Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan.
Austrian economists are divided on a number of issues. These concern, in particular, the following. (1) Some leading representatives like Mises are strictly opposed to the use of mathematics in economics. This use conveys the impression that economics is or ought to be very much like a natural science, preferably physics, possessed of a precision that, however, simply cannot be attained, given its subject matter. Mathematical economics is accused of treating incommensurable qualities as commensurable quantities. Hayek warned that economics must not fall victim to the “pretence of knowledge”. (2) Some authors such as Bohm-Bawerk and Mises are strict adversaries of the method of simultaneous equations, which at the time began to filter into economics, whereas Wieser, Hayek and others are less adamant in this regard and see at least a heuristic role for it. (3) Most (modern) Austrian economists reject welfare economics in general and not only because it presupposes cardinal utility: welfare economics is said to involve a departure from an approach that considers individual preferences as incommensurable.
(4) While the majority of Austrian economists insist on the axiom of the sovereignty of the consumer, Schumpeter points out that innovating firms mould those preferences in terms of the provision of new goods and techniques of sales promotion. (5) While the majority of Austrian economists conceive of savings as the key to individual and collective wealth, Schumpeter insists that what matters are investments by means of which new methods of production and new goods are introduced into the system, and these investments are made possible by a sophisticated monetary and credit system without preceding savings.The writings of Austrian economists reflect numerous intellectual influences. These include, in particular, the German use value school, the School of Salamanca (and Coimbra), the Scottish Enlightenment and Austrian philosophy, especially Franz Brentano’s (see Smith 1994: ch. 10). Of great importance were the writings of Richard Cantillon, Francis Hutcheson, David Hume, Adam Ferguson and partly also Adam Smith. Two closely related concepts elaborated by them assumed centre stage in Austrian eocnomics: the “invisible hand” and “spontaneous order”. Eugen von Bohm- Bawerk drew attention to some of the sources mentioned in his Kapital und Kapitalzins. Erste Abtheilung: Geschichte und Kritik der Kapitalzinstheorien (1884). Friedrich August von Hayek variously recalled these influences in his writings and stimulated Marjorie Grice-Hutchinson (1952) to write her PhD thesis on the School of Salamanca; see also de Roover (1955). Anticipations of Austrian ideas concern in particular: a subjectivist concept of value; the conception of competition not as a state, but as a process; the importance of information and knowledge; the view of market intervention as a potential violation of natural law; the view of the particular role of banks in the economy; economic liberalism.
While Adam Smith and other authors had subdivided economic history in various phases or stages, with capitalism (or the “commercial society”, as Smith called it) as only the most recent stage, Austrian economists advocated the view that the world has always seen some form of capitalism, because the latter only expresses the natural inclinations of people: crucial features of capitalism are said to be extra-historical socio-economic phenomena.
For example, there has always been a positive rate of interest, which simply reflects the indubitable fact that humans are possessed of a positive rate of time preference. Attempts to fight and suppress interest are bound to fail. This explains the Austrians’ positive attitude towards capitalism. Austrian economists share the conviction of Smith and others that a main difficulty economics has to cope with consists in the fact that human actions typically involve consequences that were neither intended nor could possibly have been foreseen by agents. Therefore, the Austrians are convinced, one cannot predict except patterns of development.A main analytical concern of Austrian economists was with refuting criticisms of interest (and profit) taking. They were critical of Aristotle and the churchmen in their condemnation of interest in the doctrine of usury, of Adam Smith’s view of profits and interest as a “deduction from the produce of labour”, and of Karl Marx and the socialists’ attack on all property incomes (profits, interest and rents of land) as originating in the “exploitation of workers”. While all Austrian economists agreed that property incomes do not per se have an odious smell, but reflect the mutually advantageous exercise of individual rights and economic liberties, they differ vastly in explaining the causes and levels of profits and interest.